광주 민주화 항쟁과 한국 민주주의
It is well known that Korea has achieved a solid democratic consolidation. Behind Korea's democratic success, there is the brave, yet sad, story of the Gwangju massacre of May 1980, following a ten-day uprising against a military coup. Though it ended in failure at that time, the historical legacy of the Gwangju Uprising (GU) produced played an important role in establishing effective liberal constitutionalism.
In order for a newly born democracy to be sustainable, two possible dangers needed to be overcome. One is 'sudden' death stemming from the praetorian problem, military involvement in politics. The other is 'slow' death resulting from cultural problems, a progressive erosion of popular belief in democracy. In this regard, the GU provided critical resources to Korean democracy.
On the one hand, the GU kept a fledgling Korean democracy secure by creating a strong constraint to the military intervention in politics. Even after the breakdown of the authoritarian regime, the possibility of sudden death did exist because of Hanahoe, the military officers' group. Hanahoe with its strong political inclination was thriving and its influence inside the military was considerable. It was President Kim Young-sam that cut off the possibility of sudden death by purging Hanahoe in 1993. His purge drive was strongly motivated by the Gwangju massacre. Gwangju's tragedy was understood as an unforgivable crime led by the Hanahoe leaders Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo. It was a heavy political burden for President Kim to leave the hanahoe alone.
Furthermore, the GU helped greatly to build civilian supremacy in Korea, by setting a precedent that "even a successful coup is punishable." At first, even president Kim Young-sam did not want to bring Chun and Roh to justice even though they were responsible for the Gwangju tragedy. What made him change his position was the revelation of a secret political slush fund amassed by former President Roh. The slush fund scandal led to a dramatic escalation of demands for prosecution. Civic organizations formed the National Emergency Committee on Enacting a Special Law for Punishing the Perpetrators of the Gwangju Massacre. After 15 months of investigation and deliberation, the Supreme Court in 1997 announced that the December 1979 takeover was "a military revolt" and the Gwangju incident "an insurrection and murder for the insurrection." Chun was sentenced to life imprisonment, while Roh received a sentence of 17 years in prison.
On the other hand, the GU has contributed to spreading awareness on democratic values. Democratic consolidation could be achieved when both political leaders and ordinary citizens internalize democratic ideas. In this sense, the memory of the GU, by reminding us of the importance of democracy and human rights all the time, has kept Korean democracy safe from the danger of a slow death. Before the June Democratic Uprising of 1987, the heroic struggle by the Gwangju citizens continuously inspired students and others to make firm commitments to tearing down the military dictatorship. After the democratic transition, the GU as a symbol of people power has fostered a democratic political culture.
The GU was not a simple ten-day-long democratization outburst. It was a historical force that facilitated the consolidation of Korean democracy. Its legacies prevented democratic backsliding, while promoting democratic deepening.
By Kim Yong-cheol, Professor, Department of Political Science
김용철 정치외교학과 교수
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